Political reporting that turns its back on U.S. rule of Japan and denies its defeat in the war "Class A war criminals" for abandoning press freedom


Political reporting in Japan focuses on political trends confined to Nagatacho, centered on factional conflicts and power struggles within the ruling party. It reports as if decisions on intra-party personnel matters between the ruling and opposition parties and mergers and acquisitions between political parties are completely internal, without outside interference. This blog posted an article dated October 05, 2020, "We need an Okura reporter, the secret corridor to the US Embassy," and added, "If you check the entry and exit of VIPs at the Hotel Okura, how Japanese politics will dominate the United States." For some reason, the Political Department has no enthusiasm to follow the sober movements between Japan and the United States in Tokyo.The Foreign News Department's main task is to transfer information from the United States.The two departments work together vertically. Break through the split news," he called out. But the veteran political reporter behaves like the boss of the ruling party faction in charge. Many of the reporters covering the Abe faction, the largest faction that has held the longest administration, never put it in words, but their true intentions are likely to be “denial of the Tokyo trial and independence from the United States.” Although major personnel affairs in the Japanese government are decided by the American ambassador to Japan, there is an unwritten rule that they never put it into writing. It is a denial of defeat, and the people involved are "class A war criminals" who abandoned freedom of the press. Free press will be born in Japan for the first time when you can freely follow the movement between Japan and the United States in Tokyo and freely write it.

■ Confessions of a close aide to the former Prime Minister

Since taking office in September 2009, Yukio Hatoyama, who led the DPJ government at the time, has opposed the relocation of the U.S. Futenma base to Henoko, using the catchphrase of reducing the burden on Okinawa. Prime Minister Hatoyama, who seemed to be the most sensible politician in postwar history, was ridiculed by the media as an alien, and was ousted from the post of prime minister in less than a year. A former member of the House of Representatives, who supported monetary policy as a close aide to Hatoyama, looked at the US Embassy building in Akasaka, Tokyo from near the main building of Hotel Okura and said, "That's Japan's control tower."

This control tower is positioned at the top of a triangle with the northern Diet Building, Prime Minister's Office, Liberal Democratic Party Headquarters, and Kasumigaseki government office district as the base of the triangle. A former member of the House of Representatives said, ``The Japanese government's major personnel, political, economic, and foreign policies are determined under the direction of the colonial admiral, the ambassador to Japan. Shortly after taking office as prime minister, Hatoyama is said to have been at a loss for words, saying, "How much of Japan's core is being controlled by the United States?"

It is said that the biggest failure of the Hatoyama-Democratic Party administration was its inability to launch a government based on a thorough study of the structure of US control over Japan. First, he should have created a think tank and cultivated a wealth of brains. Perhaps regretting this, Mr. Hatoyama launched the East Asian Community Research Institute, a think tank, after his retirement from politics. He also invites guests to the YouTube program UI channel, which he hosts, to open to viewers and analyze the domestic and international situation.

Note: It has been rumored that there is a secret underpass connecting Japan's political center with the US Embassy as the core (the red line in the figure is a blogger's speculation)

[Photo] Created by a blogger (utzsugi-rei.com). It's just a guess, but it can't be denied. At the very least, those involved in the affairs know that US embassy executives above the counselor level and so-called Japan handlers freely enter and exit the prime minister's official residence. It is not published in the ``Movement of the Prime Minister'' column of the newspaper. I also used the underpass that connects the National Diet Building and the House of Representatives and House of Representatives several times during my time as a corporate reporter. Many Members of Parliament used the underpass to enter and exit the Capitol. If this underground passage were to be extended several hundred meters further south as a secret corridor, the US embassy staff would be able to freely enter and exit the prime minister's residence from the basement.

The red star in the upper right corner of the photo without explanation is the main building of the US Embassy. The embassy dormitory, which was newly built in the early 1980s, is said to be a CIA den.

■ The problem is how the US authorities intervene

On May 18, 2022, this blog posted an article titled "Voting rights, basic labor rights... Japan throws away democracy, new support system under US control". He then warned that modern Japan was moving toward a new wing support system controlled by the United States. I wrote there:

``The ``Yokusan system,'' in a narrow sense, refers to a system that uncritically endorsed military policy and mobilized all the people for the war, led by the Taisei Yokusankai, a one-country, one-party organization during Japan's Pacific War. There is an explanation that It would not make much sense to rephrase this as follows.

"Modern Japan's ruling support system consists of the division and mutual opposition of the opposition parties, the semi-permanent ruling party of the Liberal Democratic Party, which was formed in 1955 as a conservative coalition due to the intervention of Washington (CIA), and the support base of the opposition party. Washington's policy based on the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and Status of Forces Agreement, centering on the political situation close to one party in one country, which has been formed by the approach of the LDP government of the labor union and the remarkable decline of opposing forces such as labor unions, citizen movements and student movements. It is a system that uncritically endorses the

2022 marks the 77th year since the end of the war, which began in August 1945. In the 1980s and 1990s, the socialist party, the dissolution of Sohyo, the remarkable decline of the civil movement and the student movement, and the de facto disappearance of the labor movement, which gave up the right to strike, were symbolic of Japan's opposition to power. The final goal of the so-called reverse course of US policy toward Japan was to wipe out the Japanese from the US and to make Japanese people, regardless of whether they were individuals or organizations, a pro-US conservative with an affinity for the Japan-US security system. If you advocate the overthrow and conversion of the current political system with the abolition of the emperor system at the top, you will be alienated and attacked as an extreme leftist terrorist. It was developed step by step over a period of more than 40 years.

The problem lies in how the US political power has intervened in the formation of this new wing support system. Certain Japanese magazines (weekly and monthly) have reported on the process in pieces, but newspapers and television have an unwritten rule that they should never put it in writing, as I mentioned at the beginning. Let's put aside the issue of the press for a moment and look at the transformation of post-war politics over the past 40 years, focusing on major milestones.

■ Becoming an economic superpower and the “sharing of responsibilities” theory

One of the turning points in Japan-US relations in postwar history is the economic friction between Japan and the United States, which has intensified since the 1970s. Washington begins planning to make the most of the economic power of Japan, which has emerged as an economic powerhouse and has once again become a threat. They made no attempt to revise Article 9 of the Constitution or the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. It was completely ignored.

Money first. The U.S. has asked for burden-sharing. The U.S. Congress said, ``Japan has no duty to defend the United States, but the United States is defending it. In response, the U.S. government demanded, "In order to share responsibility fairly, we must first substantially increase the cost of stationing U.S. forces." That is the current yearly over 200 billion yen "sympathy budget" called "Japan's burden of expenses for stationing US forces in Japan (alliance resilience budget)". Approximately 197.4 billion yen in fiscal 2019. The USFJ-related expenses amounted to more than 580 billion yen.

Currently, the US military is deployed in more than 180 countries around the world, and in many cases the US government pays base contributions to developing countries that establish US military bases overseas. On the other hand, Article 24 of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement stipulates that the maintenance costs of the U.S. forces "will be borne by the U.S. without burdening Japan."

However, in the United States, Japan, which has come to be called an economic powerhouse, has been called a “security free-rider”. The Reagan administration approached the Japanese government with the rhetoric of “the division of roles between Japan and the United States.” It has sought to expand foreign aid to replace the United States, with ODA as its pillar.

“After the defeat in the war, Japan became an economic superpower, called Japan as number one, thanks to the huge amount of support from the United States and free access to the open American market. Give back as much as you can." Underlying the United States' demand for Japan was the logic of "paying tribute to the victorious nation of the defeated nation." It was no exaggeration to say that he was disguised as a bouncer and demanded a huge "protection fee". The U.S. reversed its “security free-riding” policy.

■ The US military cannot intervene in the Senkaku Islands

"Japan's defense and deterrence, with its national policy of exclusively defending itself, depends on the forward deployment of US forces centered on the US forces stationed in Japan. Therefore, we will bear the costs of stationing US forces in Japan as much as possible." This is the statement of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Authorities. Article 5 of the Security Treaty, revised in 1960, stipulates that the United States is obligated to protect Japan. In front of it is this:

“Each Party (the United States and Japan) recognizes that an armed attack against either side in territories under the administration of Japan would endanger its peace and security, and We declare that we will act in accordance with regulations and procedures to deal with common dangers."

A small number of Japanese commentators have pointed out that in the United States, the issue of the authority to send troops remains ambiguous under constitutional provisions. Regarding the question of how powers related to war are divided between Congress and the President under the U.S. Constitution, he said, It's hard" is the established theory.

Every time the US president visits Japan these days, he declares that Article 5 will apply to the Senkaku Islands, giving Japanese people a sense of relief. In January 2013, then-President Barack Obama signed into law the Fiscal Year 2013 National Defense Authorization Act, which was passed by both houses of Congress. The article clearly states that the Senkaku Islands are subject to Article 5 of the Japan-US Security Treaty. At this time, the Japanese media were in high spirits, as if ``the boss promised to protect his henchman at the risk of his life''.

However, the Senkaku Article in the National Defense Authorization Bill states that Japan opposes attempts to resolve problems through the threat or use of force. The Japanese media unanimously commented on this as a “check against China.” However, it also implies that the United States will not use force.

"The Senkaku Islands are subject to Article 5 of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty." This is nothing but lip service. This is because the U.S. president cannot move the U.S. military on his own, given the provisions of the U.S. Constitution as described above. The U.S. Congress is unlikely to authorize the use of U.S. forces in a territorial dispute over a small uninhabited island in the East China Sea, where only Japanese administration is permitted. The White House should be seen with a similar stance.

■ Security treaty, deception by the Self-Defense Forces

Until around the 1970s, not only the Socialist Party and the Communist Party, but also some doves of the Liberal Democratic Party, who had not spoken about it, saw the deceptiveness of the security treaty and sought to scrap it. Given that the creation of the Self-Defense Forces' predecessor, the National Police Reserve, was aimed at filling the void in the number of American soldiers who were all dispatched to Korea in the wake of the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, the primary mission of the Self-Defense Forces was to serve the United States in Japan. This was because it was the defense of military facilities and the maintenance of public order in place of the US military. The Japan-U.S. Security Treaty is by no means intended to prioritize the protection and defense of Japanese lives and property. In the event of an emergency, it will only become a casualty in battle.

Until now, deceptive interpretations and excuses regarding the security treaty and the Self-Defense Forces have been made many times. The most prominent example of this is the criticism that Japan is being defended by the United States, even though it has no duty to defend itself against the United States, which was debated in the US Congress. The security treaty has been described as "bilateral" in terms of "bartering goods (Japanese land) and people (US forces)," and the criticism was unjustified. With the enactment of the new security legislation in 2015, the Self-Defense Forces became able to exercise the right to collective self-defense, and this criticism ceased. The Japan-U.S. Security Treaty is said to have become bilateral in some way militarily. However, there are no voices from those close to the government to review the Japan-US Status of Forces Agreement, which is an unequal treaty with an ``obligation to provide as much land as the United States wants''.

In 1955, the year after the establishment of the Self-Defense Forces, Arata Sugihara, then-Director General of the Defense Agency, first used the concept of exclusive defense in his answer to the Diet. After that, it became an official term in the defense white paper first published in 1970, and in 1981, the white paper stated that ``defense capabilities should be exercised only when attacked by an opponent,'' It was stipulated that the defense capability to be maintained would be limited to the minimum necessary for self-defense.

Originally, the intention of the US side should have been to counterattack jointly with the Self-Defense Forces when US forces in Japan were attacked. The reason why the Cabinet decided to adopt an exclusively defense-oriented policy, which is a passive defense strategy in accordance with the spirit of Article 9 of the Constitution, was simply because there was a strong left-wing liberal resistance force in Japan that sought anti-war peace and curbed U.S.-Japan joint military activities. . The trend is likely to continue with the deepening overseas dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces, which began with international peacekeeping operations, the acceptance of the Self-Defense Forces' exercise of the right to collective self-defense, the maintenance of today's ability to attack enemy bases, and the acceptance of preemptive strikes. It is parallel to the flow to annihilation. In other words, it was the path to ``formation of a new wing support system controlled by the United States''.

■ “Alliance” rejection, LDP liberal last prime minister

5/7/1981 President Reagan and Mrs. Reagan greet Prime Minister Suzuki of Japan before a State Dinner at the White House

The political turning point came in 1981 when Prime Minister Yoshiyuki Suzuki visited the United States (pictured) and after the summit meeting, Prime Minister Yoshiyuki Suzuki said that the word "alliance" included in the Japan-U.S. joint statement had "no military implications." This is the incident that practically rejected the expression "alliance" and its consequences. Prime Minister Suzuki, who succeeded Masayoshi Ohira, who died suddenly, visited the United States in May 1981, and was shocked and upset by the expression "alliance" included in the Japan-U.S. joint statement announced after the summit meeting with President Reagan. That's because Reagan's remarks at the summit didn't include those words.

When Prime Minister Suzuki was asked at a press conference in Washington with the accompanying reporters, "This is the first time that an alliance has been declared, has anything changed militarily?" Since we have made it clear that we will not become a military power, there is no mention of a military alliance in the joint statement," he said, denying the "military implications." . After returning to Japan, Suzuki was furious when the vice minister of foreign affairs, who was the top official in charge of preparing the statement with the United States, denied the prime minister's answer. There is," and it became a ruckus to resign.

Nearly 10 years later, the Assistant to the Prime Minister, who was seconded from the Ministry of International Trade and Industry to the Prime Minister's Office at the time, and who accompanied him on the visit to the United States, recalled, "Ministry of Foreign Affairs officials did not try to explain the draft of the joint statement to the Prime Minister accurately in advance." He hinted at the sabotage of the foreign affairs clerks. In the background of this incident, there is a possibility that the foreign affairs bureaucrats were wary of Suzuki, who was the only prime minister who had ever been a member of the Socialist Party of Japan, and that he had a history of leaning toward Marxism and communism in his youth.

According to Wikipedia, Suzuki said, ``When he was a student, he made a claim at a speech contest that questioned the pre-modernity of the Amimoto system, and when he got a job, he was rejected because of his ideological tendencies.'' . In 1947, he ran for the 23rd House of Representatives general election as a member of the Japan Socialist Party and was elected for the first time. After that, he moved to the Social Innovation Party, which split from the Socialist Party, but became disillusioned with the reality that he could not achieve anything because he was a member of a weak political party, and declared that he would not run for the next general election. However, his supporters called for him to transfer to the ruling party, and he moved to the Democratic Liberal Party led by Shigeru Yoshida at the request of his fellow countryman Saeki Ozawa, and after the formation of the Conservative Joint Liberal Democratic Party in 1955, he belonged to the mainstream conservative ``Koikekai''. He was highly evaluated by the leader, Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda, and quickly climbed to the top of the conservative political world.

His predecessor, Ohira, is one year older than Suzuki, and they are both of the same generation at Yoshida School. Ohira, who visited the United States in May 1979, was already the first Japanese prime minister to refer to the United States as an ally. Since the 1960s, when he was foreign minister, Ohira, who has been described as "one of the most intelligent people in the post-war political world," has advocated active international contributions, including with the Self-Defense Forces. On the other hand, while being ridiculed as a foreign policy idiot, in terms of security policy, amidst the intensification of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, as a war-experienced liberal, "our country is based on a pacifist constitution, with three non-nuclear principles as a national policy, and under civilian control." Since then, we have adopted measures that are devoted exclusively to defense, and we do not have the slightest idea of becoming a military power that poses a threat to neighboring countries." For him, the term “alliance,” which shares a fair share of military roles with the United States, was completely unacceptable.

Suzuki is said to have expressed Japan's exclusively defensive policy in a meeting with President Reagan, saying, "I'd rather be a wise hedgehog than a roaring lion." Suzuki, who rejected a "military alliance with the United States", avoided overemphasis on the military, and advocated comprehensive security, was the last prime minister to adhere to the mainstream conservative liberal line of "lightly armed and economy first."

■ “Post-war politics total settlement” and the progress of the shift to the right

His successor, Yasuhiro Nakasone, who advocated a "total settlement of post-war politics," established the term "alliance" between Japan and the United States, laying the groundwork for the collapse of the 1955 system, which led to the dissolution of the Socialist Party and Sohyo. The policy of strengthening the Japan-US alliance led to a major reform of postwar security policy, accompanied by the overseas dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces after the 1991 Gulf War.

Note: In order to avoid duplication with existing articles on this blog, this article will omit the evaluation of the epoch-making events in the process from the Nakasone Cabinet to the DPJ administration. Please refer to some papers, including the following articles already published.

(1) Regarding the Nakasone Cabinet's administrative reforms and privatization policy due to the introduction of neo-liberalism, the article updated on June 7, 2022, "Voting rights, basic labor rights... Japan throws away democracy or a new imperial system under US control." Yokusan: Life Conservatism and Control of Anger".

(2) Regarding the change in post-war security policy accompanying the overseas dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces after the Gulf War, July 25, 2022, "Sudden Change in the US Administration and Abe's State Funeral, Cold Treated Turns Around and Acclaims as a 'Blood-Blooded Country'".

■ Road to total maintenance

For Washington, the 2009-2012 Democratic administration was a nightmare. These words are remembered as Shinzo Abe's "three nightmare" remarks, but it is easy to guess that Abe spoke for the frustration of the center of power in the United States.

The way to avoid this nightmare was to form a second Conservative Party alongside the Liberal Democratic Party, and create a system of two major conservative parties in Japan. Yuriko Koike, who left the Liberal Democratic Party's Ishiba faction and became the governor of Tokyo without the LDP's recommendation, put it into full swing. The aim was symbolized by the fact that the Party of Hope, led by Koike, which was formed in May 2017, merged with the Democratic Party, which succeeded the Democratic Party, in September of the same year. At that time, Koike effectively left the Liberal Democratic Party and won the Tokyo gubernatorial election in July 2017, where she ran without recommendation, by a large margin over the LDP candidate. First Party" became the leading party, and the Koike boom occurred.

At the time, a former public security investigative agency executive (a retired public prosecutor) working with the CIA and other U.S. intelligence agencies said, "Ever since the Occupation, the United States has wanted to introduce two major conservative political parties into Japan. I can't help but think of it as political maneuvering led by the CIA, just like the 1955 conservative coalition (the formation of the Liberal Democratic Party)."

At the heart of the Party of Hope's policy was the sharing of the security policy achieved by the Abe administration. Koike, Seiji Maehara, the leader of the Democratic Party, and Rikio Kozu, the chairman of the coalition, held a secret meeting on September 26, 2009, and reached a basic agreement on the merging of the Democratic Party and the Party of Hope. Collaboration with the Japan Restoration Party was also confirmed. Looking back on their careers, these three are suspected of acting as Japanese agents for the Institute for International Strategic Studies (CSIS), a bipartisan think tank in the United States known as the control tower for Japan. flickering. The core of the Party of Hope's security policy is the 2014 cabinet decision to allow the exercise of the right to collective self-defense with the United States, and it supports the new security legislation enacted in 2015. Cooperation is clear.

However, at a press conference the next morning, the famous "Koike's expulsion remarks" popped out, and the situation changed.

In response to a reporter's remark, ``Democratic Party leader Seiji Maehara said, ``If you apply for the nomination (from the Democratic Party to the Party of Hope), you will not be expelled. I have made it clear. Did you deceive Mr. Maehara? When I asked if it was a liberal 'genocide', Koike replied, ``There is no such thing as not being excluded. about," he replied.

The Democratic Party resented this ``exclusion of liberals'' remarks, leading to the formation of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan led by Yukio Edano in October of the same year. In the 48th House of Representatives election held on the 22nd, the Constitutional Democratic Party won 55 seats, surpassing the Party of Hope with 50 seats, paving the way for the latter's dissolution. After that, the Riminto formed a unified parliamentary group consisting of three Democratic Party-affiliated factions, with 120 members in the Lower House and 61 members in the Upper House, making it the largest opposition party since the start of the second Abe Cabinet.

The target of the US side was the Constitutional Democratic Party, and the decline maneuver was developed.

The party, which fell short of 100 seats in the 2021 general election, is now on the brink of extinction. The main reason for Edano Tatsumi's crushing defeat was the destruction of the opposition coalition. Kenta Izumi, who succeeded Edano when he resigned, made his denial of the opposition party's joint struggle even more radical. As a result, he suffered an even more disastrous defeat in the July 2022 House of Councilors election.

During the general election of the House of Representatives in October 2021, Edano made a statement that completely denied the opposition party's joint struggle. This remark was made after knowing that many of the Rimin supporters are supporters of the opposition coalition. As evidence of this, the 11.2% popular vote share in the 2021 general election fell to 6.4% in the 2022 House of Councilors election. The Constitutional Democratic Party's target is the Democratic Party for the People, and it will not cooperate with the Japanese Communist Party, the Reiwa Shinsengumi, and the Social Democratic Party because the latter three parties are facing a new security regime with the United States centered on constitutional revision and the exercise of the right to collective self-defense. because it is negative. In other words, it is a pledge not to let the Communist Party, Reiwa, and Social Democrats play the leading roles in politics.

The pledge was made by the National Center Workers' Union "Rengo", which has proclaimed itself to be the support base of Rimin. Led by Tomoko Yoshino, the coalition is now cooperating with the Liberal Democratic Party, which has long been hostile to labor unions, on issues such as wage increases. I will not go into detail here, but it is believed that the Rengo, which is indirectly linked to the former Unification Church through the Shokyo Rengo, and the Roksanbetsu Labor Union, joined forces with the CIA to crush the joint struggle of the opposition parties to eliminate the Communist Party. What lies ahead is an all-maintenance system.

■ To reorganize the political world with general maintenance

US intelligence agencies lurking in Japan, the Japanese public security police, prosecutors, and pro-American politicians active in Nagatacho have been the driving force behind postwar Japanese politics.

Returning to the beginning, we look back on the sabotage against the Hatoyama administration. The main cause of the destruction was the vassal forces of the Democratic Party against the United States. They undermined the policy of relocating the U.S. Futenma base in Okinawa to outside the prefecture and forcibly proceeded with the relocation to Henoko.

According to WikiLeaks, Katsuya Okada, Seiji Maehara, Toshimi Kitazawa, and Hirofumi Hirano forced the alien Prime Minister Hatoyama to step down following orders from the US government. Both Okada and Maehara joined hands directly with the United States, and are said to have nipped the bud of Prime Minister Hatoyama's insistence on "relocating the U.S. Futenma base outside Japan or at least outside the prefecture" as a measure to reduce the burden on Okinawa.

It is said that John Roos, the US Ambassador to Japan at the time, and Kurt Campbell, Assistant Secretary of State for the US, gave direct orders to them. In the blog post mentioned above, "We need an Okura reporter, the secret corridor to the US embassy," this information was leaked in 2011. "(Democratic Party) Policy Research Council Chairman Toru Hashimoto recently I met him secretly at the Hotel Okura and entered the U.S. embassy through an underground passage, where Joseph Nye, Richard Armitage, Michael Green, Kurt Campbell and others were waiting." Setting aside the truth of the matter, it was information that could never be denied outright. ' wrote. Aside from the underpass that connects the Okura and the US Embassy, it is certain that contact between Japanese and US dignitaries takes place in this manner on a daily basis.

In an article dated November 29, 2010, the British Guardian wrote, "According to WikiLeaks, Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell met with South Korean Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Kim Seung-hwan in February 2010. Over the head of Prime Minister Hatoyama, ) I shared with Mr. Kim the importance of contacting Finance Minister Naoto Kan and Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada.” It indirectly proves that Hatoyama was ousted by the United States and the Democratic Party's internal anti-Hatoyama faction.

Nearly five months have passed since Abe's assassination, and there is a clear movement to reorganize the political world in Nagatacho. It was only a matter of time before Prime Minister Kishida made a full-fledged move to dismantle the Abe faction. First, he was forced to withdraw from the Seiwakai, but with tremendous support from Abe, he ran as an independent candidate in last year's presidential election, threatening Kishida. Sanae Takaichi was the target. Minister of Economy and Security Takaichi tweeted, "Neither I nor (Abe's closest aide) Yasutoshi Nishimura, Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry, were invited to the government and ruling party policy roundtable on December 8, when the prime minister discussed the financial resources for increasing the defense budget." . On the 12th, he tweeted again, "I have made appointments (with the Prime Minister) many times, but I haven't been able to meet him because the schedule is tight."

Koichi Hagiuda, who is the member with the most ties to the Unification Church and who will play the role of Abe's successor, will now play the leading role in the Taiwan lobby to replace Abe and the Kishi brothers. The reason why Kishida left Hagiuda as one of the party's three leaders was probably because he wanted to control conservative forces within the party, including the Seiwakai. In any case, the foundation of the Abe faction, which has lost its leader, is shaky. If Kishida finds a way to form a coalition with the pro-American faction of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan and the Japan Restoration Party, and merge the Democratic Party for the People into the Liberal Democratic Party, he is likely to make a full-fledged move to break the Abe faction. Abe's legislators also cannot give up the flavor of power, and many will leave Abe and remain in the LDP. The disguise of the post-war resume of the Tokyo trial denial seems to be the majority for the purpose of collecting votes rather than political beliefs.

How has Japan been reported on how it was ruled by the United States after the war? For example, the fact that a large amount of CIA funds flowed into the formation of the Conservative Joint Liberal Democratic Party was exceptionally reported, along with the formation of the Socialist Party and the Democratic Socialist Party, based on declassified official documents from the United States. However, it was reported more than half a century later, and the media in 1955 reported it as a "tug-of-war" between the former Liberal Party and the former Democratic Party, with the merger of the left and right socialist parties just around the corner.

Seicho Matsumoto's non-fiction series "Japan's Black Fog", which was serialized in the monthly magazine "Bungeishunju" from January to December 1960, explores the serious incidents that occurred during the US military occupation. The social phenomenon that the term “black fog” has become a buzzword is that the 12 incidents from the Shimoyama Incident to the Korean War, which were taken up from the inside out, were conspired by the U.S. intelligence agencies and the U.S. military. This is because the media, including general newspapers, did not try to undermine the structure of Japan's control by the United States, although they felt it.

The Sunagawa Incident in 1957, in which the U.S. government pressured a jumping appeal to the Supreme Court against the Tokyo District Court's ruling that the stationing of U.S. troops was unconstitutional and the defendant was acquitted, showed the Japanese government's subservience to the U.S. to the greatest extent possible. . The trial was remanded to the Supreme Court, and the Tokyo District Court handed down a guilty verdict because the US Ambassador to Japan directly negotiated with Foreign Minister Aiichiro Fujiyama and Supreme Court Chief Justice Kotaro Tanaka to make a leap appeal. This incident also came to light when Japanese researchers analyzed US official documents that were declassified from 2008 to 2013.

The only live news that was reported was the 1971 leak of confidential documents from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In this incident, also known as the Okinawa Secret Pact Incident, a member of the Japanese Socialist Party was a member of the Japanese Socialist Party. that the information was leaked to Rather than the content of the secret agreement, the unethical nature of the reporting method, which is said to have involved approaching and having sexual intercourse with a married female secretary who was the source of the information, became a major issue.

Now, on December 7th, US Ambassador to Japan Rahm Emanuel tweeted the following with a photo.

“From ballads to ballistic missile defense, Defense Minister Hamada is at the heart of the security of Japan and the region, and a true rock star in every sense of the word. I am pleased to be able to discuss capacity building with

There is no Japanese media that reports on Ambassador Emmanuel, who updated his tweets with photos every day and gave detailed orders to Prime Minister Kishida. The dinner with Defense Minister Hamada was just before the publication of the three security documents, and what the US Ambassador said to Mr. Hamada is news that cannot be overlooked. In the SNS era, the Japanese media's awe and prejudice have come to the fore even more.