Through several essays, this blog has proposed that ``2023 should be the first year of a new 77-year period in the third period of modern Japan.'' This is because 2022 will be 77 years since Japan lost the war to the United States, making the pre-war and post-war periods even in terms of time, along with the 77 years from the Meiji Restoration in 1868 to the defeat in the United States in 1945. In order for Japan to become a truly independent and democratic republic in the third period that is open both internally and externally, Japan must first have both the imperial power of the pre-war period and the sovereign populace state of the post-war period, as well as the Anglo-Saxon United States, the United Kingdom, and London. We must confirm that it was in the hands of the Jewish financial capital of Wall Street, NY. In 2023, the Western colonialist countries that drove modernity, led by the United States, will decline, while the former colonies of the Global South will rise to the top. Supporting this growth are Third World leaders China, India, and Russia. As this shift in world history became clearly visible, the ``Third Period of Modern Japan'' began with the dismantling of the Abe faction, the largest faction in the ruling party, whose founder was Nobusuke Kishi, following the assassination of Shinzo Abe the previous year. . This is nothing but a reset of the occupation of Japan by the United States and Britain, and the prospects for the third period of modern Japan are bleak.
Looking ahead to the ``Third Period of Modern Japan,'' New York Wall Street supported the conservative political forces in Washington that sought to eliminate President Franklin Roosevelt and the democratic socialists known as the New Dealers who supported him. It must be emphasized that in the pre-war period, the Emperor Showa was deeply connected to the entourage of Emperor Showa, the imperial court, and the zaibatsu powers. The core of this was Joseph Grew, a relative of the Morgan conglomerate who became the American ambassador to Japan in 1931. After the war, he led the Japan Lobby, the American Council Against Japan (ACJ), which can be said to be the forerunner of the Japan Handlers, and is believed to have worked hard to free Shinsuke Kishi and other suspected war criminals. In this way, the germination of Japan's subordination policy toward the United States can be seen in the prewar period. This is why the imperialist army officers involved in the February 26 Incident in 1937 chanted ``Respect the Emperor and Zanju'' and called for ``wiping out the swindlers on your side.'' However, Emperor Hirohito, the head of the imperial zaibatsu, immediately rejected the appeals of the young officers for the Showa Restoration, and was even furious, saying, ``He would not hesitate to lead the Imperial Guard division himself to suppress the Showa Restoration.''
At that time, Emperor Hirohito already had one foot in Wall Street. When Emperor Hirohito visited the United States in 1975, he visited John Rockefeller III's home in New York, using the Imperial Household Agency's excuse that ``visiting a private residence is an exceptional case.'' On this occasion, he was said to be happy with the third generation, saying, ``We were able to fulfill our promise (of 
a reunion).'' King John III (pictured) visited Japan for the first time in 1929 on the pretext of attending the Pacific Conference sponsored by the Pacific Affairs Research Group in Kyoto. He was welcomed by Junnosuke Inoue, chairman of the Japan Pacific Affairs Research Council, as well as Eiichi Shibusawa, Masataro Sawayanagi, and Yusuke Tsurumi. The Rockefeller family established the Japan Society in 1907 and the Asia Society in 1956 to strengthen ties between East Asia and the United States. In 1951, at the end of the post-war occupation, he visited Japan with President Eisenhauer's special envoy, John Dulles, and was invited to an informal dinner at the Imperial Palace, where they discussed the conclusion of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty with Emperor Hirohito.
Needless to say, the conservative mainstream of postwar Japanese politics was the Kochi-kai, led by current Prime Minister Fumio Kishida. Its origin lies in Shigeru Yoshida, who became the third postwar prime minister in May 1946, succeeding Kijuro Shidehara, who advocated cooperation with the United States and Britain and was at odds with the military. Before and during the war, Yoshida and his father, Nobuaki Makino, sympathized with Shidehara's cooperative diplomacy with the United States and joined the anti-military and ceasefire work group formed in the imperial court. Makino, who had strong liberal tendencies, was sent to the Imperial Palace as Minister of the Interior as a trump card by the elder statesman Kinmochi Saionji, who wanted to ``exclude fanatical admirers of the imperial family from around the Emperor.'' Saionji had recommended Junnosuke Inoue and Makino, who had drastically reduced the navy's budget as part of the austerity measures, as candidates for prime minister. Inoue was killed in a clan terrorist attack, and Makino was attacked during the February 26 incident, but survived. Saionji's liberal ideals can be said to be the origin of the Yoshida-Kochi-kai.
Meanwhile, Nobusuke Kishi, a former war criminal suspect, returned to politics at the same time as the outbreak of the Korean War, with the help of the CIA, as a metaphor for ``Japan becoming a military superpower under U.S. control'' created by neocons in response to the war in Afghanistan and Iraq and the rise of China. Shinzo Abe was carried by him. The Seiwa-kai (Abe faction), a fringe faction originating from Kishi, a nationalist who advocated a decisive battle for the mainland at the end of World War II and essentially led the Doshikai for the Protection of the Country supported by young army officers, was a fanatic admirer of the imperial family during the second administration of Abe. (2012-2020), but now it has become a target for elimination. Nearly 80 years after Japan's defeat in World War II, the United States and Britain are once again trying to correct Japan's excessive rightward leaning and nationalism. However, this is a correction for the interests of American and British capital, and will lead Japan further into the ``era of lost confusion.'' (Continue)